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UNDER CONSTRUCTION
Laura Rozen is a journalist who covers national security and foreign policy issues from Washington, D.C. Her work has
appeared in the Nation, the American Prospect, Wired, Salon, Slate, The Economist, the Washington Monthly, Tom Paine, the
Boston Globe, the Christian Science Monitor, the Forward, Congressional Quarterly, USA Today, and on public radio programs.
Previously, Rozen worked for four years as a journalist in the Balkans for publications including the Boston Globe, the
Christian Science Monitor, Salon, the UK Independent, the Institute of War and Peace Reporting, CBS and Monitor Radio.
Rozen earned a masters degree in public administration from the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, with a concentration
in international security studies. Born and raised in Kansas City, she has lived in Moscow, Istanbul, Sarajevo, Belgrade,
Kosovo, and Cambridge, Massachusetts for much of the past decade.
She can be reached at lauraatwarandpiece.com.
Fort Detrick’s anthrax mystery
Who tried to frame Dr. Ayaad Assaad, a former biowarfare researcher at the Army lab? Was it the same person responsible
for last fall’s anthrax mail terrorism?
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By Laura Rozen
Salon.com
Jan. 26, 2002 | THURMONT, Md.—On Oct. 2, Ayaad Assaad, a U.S. government scientist and former biowarfare researcher,
received a call from an FBI agent asking him to come in for a talk. It was well before anthrax panic gripped the nation—in
fact, it was the same day that photo editor Robert Stevens, 63, was admitted to a Florida hospital. It wasn’t until
the next day that Stevens was diagnosed with inhalation anthrax, and another two days later, on Oct. 5, when he would become
the first of five eventual fatalities caused by the apparent bioterrorist attack.
The day after hearing from the FBI, Assaad met with special agents J. Gregory Lelyegian and Mark Buie in the FBI’s
Washington field office, along with Assaad’s attorney, Rosemary McDermott. They showed Assaad a detailed, unsigned,
computer-typed letter with a startling accusation: that the 53-year-old Assaad, an Environmental Protection Agency scientist
who filed an age discrimination suit against the U.S. Army for dismissing him from a biowarfare lab, might be a bioterrorist.
”Dr. Assaad is a potential biological terrorist,” the letter stated, according to Assaad and McDermott.
The letter was received by the FBI in Quantico, Va., but Assaad did not learn from the FBI where it had been mailed from.
“I have worked with Dr. Assaad,” the letter continued, “and I heard him say that he has a vendetta
against the U.S. government and that if anything happens to him, he told his sons to carry on.”
According to Assaad, “The letter-writer clearly knew my entire background, my training in both chemical and
biological agents, my security clearance, what floor where I work now, that I have two sons, what train I take to work, and
where I live.
”The letter warned the FBI to stop me,” he said.
After their meeting, Assad was thanked by the FBI agents, who have not contacted him since. The bureau says it cleared
Assaad of the anonymous allegations against him.
”We received an anonymous letter with certain allegations about Dr. Assaad,” Chris Murray, an FBI
spokesman, told Salon Thursday. “Our investigation has determined those allegations are unfounded. Our investigation
is complete. Period.” But Assaad believes there is a possible link between the person who sent the unsigned letter
to the FBI and the terrorist who sent anthrax to Democratic politicians and prominent members of the media. Whoever it was
seemed to display eerie foreknowledge of the biological attacks, since the letter was sent to the FBI well before any anthrax
terror attacks were known to the public.
And there is also the fact that Assaad used to work at the U.S. Army’s Medical Research Institute for Infectious
Diseases (USAMRIID), in Fort Detrick, Md., a biowarfare lab many critics believe might have been the source of the stolen
anthrax. According to internal Army documents in Assaad’s own possession (and first reported about in the Hartford
Courant), 27 specimens, including anthrax, Ebola and the hantavirus were lost in the early 1990s from the lab. The documents
paint a chaotic picture of a poorly managed lab.
Assaad had his own unhappy experience at the lab: Before he was dismissed, he had run-ins with colleagues, once filing
a racial discrimination complaint against some of them. And he believes that if the letter-writer was someone who at one point
worked at the lab, it would explain why he knew so much about Assaad and would think that Assaad would make an easy target
to frame.
”I’m the perfect scapegoat,” Dr. Assaad explained. “I’m Arab-American.
I’m a scientist who knows about biological and chemical agents. I’m suing the U.S. Army,” he
said. “Whoever did this clearly wants revenge.”
There is no proof that former colleagues of Assaad at the Fort Detrick facility were behind the attempt to frame him or
the anthrax mailings. But there is no doubt that security at the lab was notoriously sloppy. And government investigators
hunting for the anthrax mail terrorist are reportedly looking at the lab as a possible source of the toxin.
Assaad worked for eight years, from 1989-97, at the Army-run lab, where civilian and military scientists with top security
clearances handle the most lethal biological agents known. Assaad’s tenure at the lab was not a particularly happy
one. He was ultimately dismissed from the lab in 1997, along with six other older scientists, when the lab announced it needed
to downsize because of budget restrictions. But Assaad disputes that reason in his age discrimination suit, which is still
pending. He shared with Salon copies of Army internal documents, obtained under the Freedom of Information Act by Assaad’s
attorney, that are from the Army’s own investigation into allegations of racial discrimination brought by Assaad.
But he is not alone in his concerns about his former colleagues. Another scientist who worked at the lab at the time—and
who admits to having been part of a group in the lab that called itself the “Camel Club,” organized as
a kind of drinking club that on the side ridiculed the Egyptian-born Assaad—said he also believes that the anthrax
in the recent terror scare came from Fort Detrick’s USAMRIID.
”As soon as it came out” about the anthrax letters, “the first thing that came to my mind
was Fort Detrick,” said the scientist, who requested anonymity and is now employed in academia. “I don’t
know how many labs are utilizing anthrax from Detrick. Detrick represents a repository of many organisms, and they would send
it out to various other labs. A lot of people who were working on anthrax in this country got their anthrax from Fort Detrick.”
The scientist also claimed that he understood DNA analysis being performed by a private lab in Rockville, Md., had already
determined that the source of the anthrax in the letter sent to Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy was from Detrick. However, the
private lab has told journalists that it will be another two weeks to a month before they publicly reveal their results.
According to interviews with Assaad and this scientist, along with additional Army investigative transcripts obtained
by Salon, the Army’s biowarfare research lab in the early 1990s was an organizational disaster area. A big problem
at the lab, which apparently contributed to specimens going missing, was that after the Gulf War, USAMRIID decided to phase
out work some scientists had been doing on projects that the Army lab no longer considered crucial to their core mission of
researching vaccines against bioweapons. Many scientists who had been engaged in other projects, such as Lt. Col. Phil Zack,
who had been researching the simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV), were eager to continue working on projects USAMRIID said
they should stop. What followed, the documents reveal, were scientists sneaking into the Army biowarfare lab to work on pet
projects after-hours and on weekends, former workers like Zack, who left in 1991, still being let in to do lab work, pressure
applied to technicians to help out, documents going missing, and deliberate mislabeling of specimens among other efforts to
hide unsanctioned lab work.
Lt. Col. Michael Langford, an Army scientist who became head of the USAMRIID experimental pathology division in February
1992, was interviewed by a USAMRIID investigator in the spring of 1992. The transcripts of that and other interviews reveal
shocking lapses of security and resistance to oversight by USAMRIID lab scientists, including some of the same ones who engaged
in harassment of Assaad.
”At the time I took over the Experimental Pathology branch on the 3rd of February [1992] it was obvious to me
that there was little or no organization of that group and little or no accountability of many things,” Langford
told the Army investigator, Col. Thomas J. Taylor.
Langford describes walking in to work one morning and seeing a group of lab scientists and technicians huddled behind
closed doors in the room that houses an electron microscope. What Langford concluded was that certain scientists were covertly
working on projects at night and on weekends that had been ordered halted by their division chief. He further concluded that
employees were desperately trying to find old specimens of biological agents, including anthrax, they could “re-label”
to cover up specimens that had gone missing in the chaos of prohibited, after-hours lab work.
”I walked in and the lights were on, the scope was off, and they were intensely looking for these blocks [of
anthrax],” Langford described. “What was indicated to me was that perhaps these specimens were bootleg
so to speak, they were going to cover them with old specimens, and when the old specimens disappeared, they were going to
take these old anthrax blocks and substitute them. Well, when those were unavailable then these new blocks [of anthrax] mysteriously
disappeared. So of course the probability is high that there was a problem there.”
Langford also described to the investigator strong resistance from his underlings and other scientists to his efforts
to manage the group. Among those Langford considered management problems were Marian Rippy, a researcher in the experimental
pathology division. (Zack and Rippy had also been reprimanded by the Army for harassing Assaad.) Langford said he considered
a number of those on his staff to be “extremely difficult to deal with, would volunteer almost nothing, nearly almost
always had to be given a written request to get a response, were very defiant, were very obstructive, and I also heard rumors
that ... Marian [Rippy] had made comments to the people in that lab basically to undermine me, you know, when I was coming
in there,” according to Langford.
”We were not to continue any work; in fact I was aware that [Pathology division commander Lt. Col. Nancy Jaax]
had secured the SIV materials and people because again it appeared from many sources that Phil Zack was asking people to work
basically covertly and continue his SIV work against obvious clear mandates and directives of the division chief,”
Langford told the investigator. (In an interesting side note, Jaax, whom Langford refers to, is the protagonist of the Richard
Preston book “The Hot Zone,” about an Ebola outbreak in lab monkeys in Reston, Va., in 1989. The real-life
events were also the basis of the movie “Outbreak,” starring Dustin Hoffman.)
It was during this period, from 1990 to early 1992, when scientists apparently pursued projects covertly at the lab, that
the Army facility appears to have lost track of 27 specimens, including anthrax, Ebola and hantavirus. USAMRIID told media
this week that any specimens that went missing were rendered harmless by various preservation and radiation processes—a
contention Assaad says is not true. He says the specimens leave behind a residue that could be reactivated.
Assaad’s personal experience at that lab makes him particularly skeptical. He complains of behavior from colleagues
that, while certainly not necessarily that of potential terrorists, does seem like symptoms of a poorly managed lab that was
out of control.
In particular, Assaad, who is Egyptian-American, was the target of the group of USAMRIID scientists and lab technicians
who called themselves the Camel Club. Among his antagonists were colleagues in Fort Detrick lab’s experimental pathology
division, Zack and Rippy.
Using a stuffed camel as a kind of mascot, the Camel Club composed a poem, “The Rhyme of the Ancient Camellier,”
with the apparent purpose of humiliating Assaad. It begins:
”Ayaad Assaad was the start,
with a reputation for not having heart
A ‘skimmer’ without equal
We hope there’s no sequel
In his honor we created this beast
It represents life lower than yeast
Whoever is voted this sucker,
you can’t duck her, You must accept blame,
And bear all the shame Unlike Assaad,
that first motherfucker”
The poem continues for five typewritten rhyming pages, ending with:
Well it’s time for the camel to pass.
So let’s all reach and raise up a glass.
Let’s give’m the credit,
the one who will get it,
the poor bastard we’re gonna harass.
Assaad theorizes that the Camel Club and the racial discrimination he experienced were at least partly an outgrowth of
a dispute he had with Zack and Rippy over the authorship of a scientific paper for which he says he had done the research.
Rippy and Zack, Assaad says, had done only minor work, but wanted to put their names on the research paper, and he says he
felt they didn’t deserve it. Assaad says the dispute escalated, with Rippy and Zack threatening to be disruptive
and humiliate him at a scientific conference where he delivered his paper’s findings. Then, he says, their harassment
took an ethnic cast, because of his Arabic heritage.
Assaad said he filed a formal complaint with the Army after his supervisor ignored him. The commander of the U.S. Army
lab investigated the complaint and found in Assaad’s favor, and singled out Zack and Rippy for criticism for being
at the center of the Camel Club. (The Army investigation documents further revealed that the two, both married, were also
having an affair.)
”Based upon your complaint, I directed that an informal investigation be conducted,” USAMRIID’s
then-commander, Col. Ronald Williams, wrote Assaad in a memo in August 1992. “The investigation revealed that Lieutenant
Colonel Zack and Dr. Rippy had participated in discriminatory behavior.
”On behalf of the United States of America, the Army, and this Institute, I wish to genuinely and humbly apologize
for this behavior,” Williams’ memo continued.
Before the investigation ended, both Zack and Rippy were reprimanded. Then Zack left USAMRIID in December 1991, first
heading to the Army’s Walter Reed Institute, then going to the private pharmaceutical company Eli Lilly, and then
to a company in Colorado acquired by St. Louis’ Nexstar Financial Management. Several calls by Salon to his last
known phone number and address in Boulder, Colo., went unreturned, and Nexstar says it no longer has any record of Zack. Rippy,
who left USAMRIID shortly after Zack, in February 1992, worked for a while at Eli Lilly, but could not be located by Salon.
Assaad is puzzled that after clearing him of the accusation that he could be a bioterrorist, the FBI showed no interest
in talking with him about his days at Fort Detrick. “The whole world wants to talk to me, except the FBI,”
he said, as his lawyer’s phones rang nonstop this week, with media organizations seeking interviews with him. “Something’s
wrong here.”
But while the FBI may not be interested in talking with Assaad further, federal authorities increasingly seem to believe
that the anthrax letters were sent by a U.S. government scientist—and not by the Iraqis or al-Qaida, as some hawks
have continued to insist over the past few months, while hundreds of Islamic and Arab-born immigrants have been questioned
and detained by the FBI and INS.
”I can tell you there are scientists out there who do have military connections that we are focusing on, at
least that connection,” Kevin Donovan, FBI special agent in charge of the Newark bureau, said at a press conference
Wednesday.
For his part, Assaad says, “I want people to know the truth,” and wants to show the American people
that Arab-Americans are not the enemy. Should the FBI trace the anthrax attacks back to his former lab, Assaad may have gone
a long way toward his goal.
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About the writer
Laura Rozen writes about U.S. foreign policy and the Balkans crisis for Salon News.
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Fort Detrick's Anthrax Mystery
Who tried to frame Ayaad Assaad, a former biowarfare researcher at the Army lab? Was it the same person responsible for
last fall's anthrax mail terrorism?
by Laura Rozen
Salon
January 26, 2002
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2002/01/26/assaad/index_np.html
WASHINGTON -- When Arthur O. Anderson, chief of clinical pathology at the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute for Infectious
Diseases (USAMRIID), saw the anthrax sent to Sen. Tom Daschle, D-S.D., last October, he was amazed.
"There was nothing there except spores," he told Salon. "Normally, if you take a crude preparation of anthrax
spores, you see parts of degenerated bacteria. But this stuff was highly refined."
Another former Army lab scientist characterized the sample as "very, very good."
Anderson isn't drawing conclusions about where the anthrax came from -- perhaps in part because the subject is deeply
sensitive at the U.S. Army's own biodefense lab, which could find itself at the center of the investigation. But conversations
with dozens of scientists and experienced biodefense hands reveal a growing belief that last fall's anthrax letter culprit
is most likely an experienced bioweapons scientist. And while Franz and others note that there are Iraqi and Russian scientists
with the skills to pull off the complex anthrax-mail attack, many experts now believe the culprit worked at a U.S. bioweapons
facility.
Only a few dozen individuals in the U.S. possess the expertise to produce the sophisticated anthrax specimen sent to Daschle,
Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy and at least three media outlets last fall. There may be as many as 200 Russian scientists capable
of such work, and perhaps 10 Iraqis. But certain clues have convinced many -- though not all -- bioweapons experts who've
followed the FBI investigation closely that the anthrax in the letters most likely came from a U.S. lab. That's chiefly because
Ames strain anthrax, the type used in the letters, has been distributed by USAMRIID to about 20 U.S labs since 1981. Of those,
only four facilities are believed to have the ability to produce the highly lethal, dry powder form of the Ames strain anthrax
the lethal letters contained.
But despite signs that this should narrow the list of anthrax suspects to a few dozen people, the FBI appears to be casting
a wider net in its investigation, which seems to have made fairly limited progress since the first victim, American Media
Inc. photo editor Bob Stevens, died of anthrax inhalation four months ago.
Just two weeks ago, for instance, the FBI blanketed New Jersey, where at least four of the anthrax letters were mailed
from, with fliers asking anyone who might have any knowledge of the culprit to contact the Bureau. This week, a University
of Illinois law professor said that his university was one of dozens that recently received FBI subpoenas demanding that they
turn over all documents relating to anthrax. And last week, the American Society for Microbiology in Washington announced
that, at the request of the FBI, it had e-mailed its 40,000 members asking for possible clues. A spokesman for the group said
that while they happily complied, they found the FBI request a bit perplexing. "As we understand, it's not just microbiology
needed to create [the anthrax that was in the letters]," said the microbiology society's spokesman, who asked not to
be named. "You need the microbiology skills to grow it, but to process it, you need a totally different set of skills,"
such as advanced chemical engineering training, he said.
The wide net cast by the FBI also baffles many scientists and other weapons nonproliferation experts familiar with the
anthrax investigation, who think federal authorities could make more progress identifying the anthrax attacker by focusing
on a much narrower group.
"If you want to see the intersection of the two talents -- the microbiologic ability to obtain and safely grow lots
of anthrax, and the industrial ability to turn it into a dry powder -- then that would suggest to me that the person did indeed
have some experience with the biological warfare program," says C.J. Peters, who, as a doctor specializing in hemorrhagic
fevers such as Ebola, worked at USAMRIID from 1977 to 1990, and later at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. He
now heads a new center for biodefense at the University of Texas at Galveston.
"Frankly, I find it puzzling," says Elisa D. Harris, who served as director of nonproliferation issues at the
National Security Council from 1993 until 2001, and is currently a resident scholar at the University of Maryland. "Given
what's been reported about the nature and quality of the anthrax material in the Daschle and Leahy letters, that the material
itself almost certainly originated in the U.S. biological weapons program, they ought to be able to narrow the investigation
to a fairly limited number of facilities. That number is certainly less than 20. So I find it puzzling that the FBI has approached
all 40,000 members of the American Society of Microbiologists. I don't understand why they seem to be casting the net so widely."
The FBI says it is pursuing all avenues.
"We are continuing to investigate the source of the anthrax, and who might be responsible for sending it," an
FBI spokesman told Salon. "That investigation is very thorough and very exhaustive and we have not ruled anything out.
We have pursued thousands of leads."
Perhaps responding to a growing chorus of criticism, on Thursday unnamed FBI sources were quoted telling the Wall Street
Journal that they are in fact zeroing in on U.S. weapons labs in their anthrax investigation. But the article also revealed
a startling fact: The FBI has not yet subpoenaed employee records of the labs where Ames strain anthrax is worked with. Barbara
Hatch Rosenberg, a biological arms control expert at the State University of New York at Purchase and chair of a bioweapons
working group at the independent Federation of American Scientists, believes the FBI has intentionally dragged its heels on
the weapons-lab angle, most likely for political reasons.
"For more than three months now the FBI has known that the perpetrator of the anthrax attacks is American,"
Rosenberg wrote to Salon on Tuesday. "This conclusion must have been based on the perpetrator's evident connection to
the U.S. biodefense program."
Rosenberg has become convinced that the FBI knows who sent out the anthrax letters, but isn't arresting him, because he
has been involved in secret biological weapons research that the U.S. does not want revealed. "This guy knows too much,
and knows things the U.S. isn't very anxious to publicize," Rosenberg said in an interview. "Therefore, they don't
want to get too close."
Other experts aren't ready to make that leap. Some suggest that the FBI may just be moving slowly and carefully to gather
incriminating evidence that can stand up in court. Some blame simple incompetence.
"Barbara says the FBI's been told to look for things, and they haven't," says Milton Leitenberg, a biological
arms control expert at the University of Maryland. "I don't know. I think they [the FBI] are doing a half-assed job of
it myself. But maybe other people would have done as bad a job, who knows."
But Jonathan A. King, a professor of microbiology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, says he, too, is suspicious
of the government's handling of the investigation.
"The first place one would have looked for the anthrax perpetrator is at the U.S. facilities where people have grants
from the government to do biological defense research," King said in an interview. "But for months, there was no
statement from any federal authorities naming these laboratories as under suspicion. It's extraordinary."
Although Rosenberg goes further than most experts in criticizing the FBI's anthrax investigation, her analysis of the
case has become must reading for scientists and congressional staffers concerned about biodefense issues. (An FBI spokesman
contacted by phone Thursday says the agency, too, is reading her work, but won't comment on it.) A microbiologist by training,
Rosenberg worked as a cancer researcher at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, and as a professor of biochemistry at Cornell
Medical College. A decade ago, she founded the Federation of American Scientists' biological and chemical weapons program,
which she now heads.
In her analysis of the details known about the anthrax attacks to date, she has built a persuasive and disturbing case
that the anthrax culprit is a deep insider to the U.S. government's biological weapons program. Her conclusion is based on
a collection of facts that point to a smaller and smaller number of individuals who could have met all the criteria for producing,
handling and sending out the anthrax letters. The perpetrator seemed to have advanced expertise and experience in biological
weapons like anthrax, for instance, and access to the technology to produce and refine it. He or she (but most think it's
a he) probably would have had to have access to the anthrax vaccine, which is not widely available, in order not to succumb
to the disease himself -- which means records of anthrax vaccinations, which require a yearly booster shot, would be available
to further help identify the person.
In addition, the perpetrator used a highly sophisticated, lethal powder form of the Ames strain of anthrax. Although the
strain itself came into the possession of USAMRIID in 1981, and was distributed from there for research purposes to about
20 labs, only about four facilities in the U.S. are believed to have the capability for "weaponizing" dry anthrax
-- which basically means refining or cultivating a pure sample whose spores are so tiny and uniform they can easily be inhaled
into the lungs.
Even the FBI seems to acknowledge the anthrax suspect has technical expertise in biology. In the letter sent to the 40,000
members of the American Society for Microbiology, Van Harp, assistant director of the FBI's Washington field office, told
recipients: "It is very likely that one or more of you know this individual. A review of the information to date in this
matter leads investigators to believe that a single person is most likely responsible for these mailings. This person is experienced
working in a laboratory. Based on his or her selection of the Ames strain of Bacillus anthracis, one would expect that this
individual has or had legitimate access to select biological agents at some time.
"This person has the technical knowledge and/or expertise to produce a highly refined and deadly product," the
letter continued. "This person has exhibited a clear, rational thought process and appears to be very organized in the
production and mailing of these letters. The perpetrator might be described as 'stand-offish' and likely prefers to work in
isolation as opposed to a group/team setting. It is possible this person used off-hours in a laboratory or may have even established
an improvised or concealed facility comprised of sufficient equipment to produce the anthrax."
Rosenberg says the perpetrator has dangled plenty of clues in front of investigators. One of those clues, she says, is
a letter sent to the military police at the Quantico, Va., Marine base (and forwarded to the FBI) in late September -- well
before the public was aware that anthrax was being sent in the mail -- that tried to frame a former U.S. biowarfare researcher
as a bioterrorist. That anonymous letter stated that the writer had worked with the man, Dr. Ayaad Assaad, and had details
about him that only an insider would know (although some details in the letter turned out to be incorrect.) The FBI has cleared
Assaad of any possible connection to the case, but Assaad himself has criticized the agency for not zeroing in on his accuser
as a likely culprit, since that person seemed to have foreknowledge about the anthrax attacks.
"The perpetrator has left multiple, blatant clues, seemingly on purpose," Rosenberg writes. "Second letters,
addressed similarly to the anthrax letters and containing [talc] powder ... The postal addresses and dates of these letters
map out an itinerary of the perpetrator(s) ... which single out the perpetrator from the other likely suspects."
Rosenberg also says three senior U.S. biodefense officials have given the same name of a likely suspect to the FBI. She
would not reveal that person's name, but said he is a former USAMRIID scientist, who she understands is working for a defense
or CIA contractor in the Washington metropolitan area. Rosenberg says that the FBI has questioned the individual, along with
many other former biodefense scientists.
Interestingly, William C. Patrick III, the founder of the U.S. military's biological weapons program, and the man who
taught the folks at the Army's Dugway Proving Grounds in Utah how to make dry anthrax (using a harmless anthrax substitute,
though), is no longer willing to talk to the press.
Contacted by Salon Thursday, Patrick said that he has been misquoted in the media, and doesn't wish to comment on the
investigation anymore. Rosenberg believes that the anthrax perpetrator may know Patrick, because the attack resembles a classified
study that Patrick wrote for a CIA contractor a couple of years ago, which tried to predict how an anthrax attack through
the mail would work.
Based on all the evidence, Rosenberg sums up her conclusions this way: The perpetrator, she believes, is "angry at
some biodefense agency or component, and he is driven to demonstrate, in a spectacular way, his capabilities and the government's
inability to respond. He is cocksure that he can get away with it. Does he know something that he believes to be sufficiently
damaging to the United States to make him untouchable by the FBI?"
But C.J. Peters, the former USAMRIID and CDC doctor, says the FBI's dragnet to date is just standard operating procedure,
and he doubts that it's been a ploy to hide secret weapons research.
"The FBI throws the net as wide as they possibly can," Peters said. "They put hundreds of people on this
case and turn the crank and look for little clues and putting A and B together. I could imagine that maybe, just maybe, there
might be someone in the Defense Department who says, I don't want this to be traced back to Dugway [the Army proving grounds
in Utah]. I could imagine a person thinking that. But I couldn't imagine that the FBI would care if it were traced back to
Dugway. The FBI guy's thinking, 'Hey, man, I got them. I am going to be famous now. We are going to be heroes, we found it.'
I don't believe it's a grand government-wide conspiracy." That said, Peters does have concerns about the FBI's ability
to use the scientific information the physical anthrax provides.
"I'm not sure the FBI understands how to use the biological information," Peters added. "They think they
are going to solve this the way they solve all other crimes. But it also seems possible to me they may be overlooking some
helpful hints from the biology of the anthrax itself. I wonder if they are making full use of everything that's known about
the biology." And while few other scientists admit to sharing Rosenberg's dark conclusions about why the FBI has been
slow to solve the anthrax case, some believe that casting the net widely served multiple political purposes for the Bush administration.
"From the moment one saw that it was highly concentrated Ames strain anthrax, the first lead candidate should have
been a U.S. laboratory with a military contract," says MIT's Jonathan King. "Instead, we heard no such public admission.
Immediately they were talking about Iraq and al-Qaida, when the largest such facilities are in the U.S. That leads me to think
two things: the U.S. government is covering up the fact that the most likely source of the anthrax was not al-Qaida, was not
foreign terrorists, but was a home-grown individual. And secondly, it was turned into part of the anti-terrorist propaganda."
Indeed, while in the early days of the anthrax letter scare, U.S. political leaders said they were actively looking to
see if there was a connection between the anthrax and Iraq and al-Qaida, those views are now in the minority. On Dec. 17,
White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said that it is "increasingly looking like it was a domestic source." On Jan.
13, Homeland Defense Director Thomas Ridge told media, "the primary direction of the investigation is turned inward."
Two weeks ago, at a New Jersey press conference, an FBI official said the investigation was focusing on a U.S. government
scientist.
It would be easier to dismiss Rosenberg's fears of a high-level U.S. coverup as cloak-and-dagger paranoia if it weren't
for the fact that U.S. bioweapons programs are so secretive and mysterious. There is growing evidence that the programs, which
are governed by international law and are supposed to be under congressional oversight, are more widespread and ambitious
than officials have admitted.
Many experts are still angry that the U.S. walked out of the Biological Weapons Convention conference this past July in
Geneva, after the Bush administration rejected language that would have subjected signatory nations, including the U.S., to
inspections to make sure they're not engaging in any prohibited offensive bioweapons development.
"They [U.S. government officials] don't want the treaty to be tighter, and they don't want people coming here and
investigating our facilities and stockpiles," says Meryl Nass, an MIT-trained physician who has long advocated for stricter
arms control. "So it turns out that the U.S. did have this dry weaponized anthrax after all, and that was a big secret.
But no one has really discussed the implications of this. They completely avoided the issue. But the rest of the biodefense
establishment around the world knew exactly what it meant. They knew the U.S. had basically transgressed the weapons convention."
And even if the FBI isn't intentionally trying to protect bioweapons secrets from being revealed, some experts worry that
the proliferation of bioweapons programs -- some of them still secret -- could be hampering the FBI's anthrax investigation.
"I think a number of us were surprised by some of the revelations" of secret bioweapons programs, says Elisa
D. Harris, the former Clinton administration NSC official. Harris thinks it's possible the FBI itself is not aware of all
of the biodefense work being contracted out by the U.S. government, because it is such a highly secretive and compartmentalized
program.
Harris says she was shocked to read in the New York Times last September about biodefense research programs that she herself
had not known about, although she had served for eight years in the White House as the point person for weapons of mass destruction
nonproliferation issues.
On Sept. 4, 2001 -- just a week before the Sept. 11 attacks, the Times reported that from 1997-2000, the CIA conducted
a program called Clear Vision, to build a model of a Soviet germ bomblet. The program was carried out at the West Jefferson,
Ohio, labs of Battelle Memorial Institute, a defense and CIA contractor. In addition, the Times story reported, the Defense
Intelligence Agency, the Pentagon's intelligence arm, hired Battelle last year to create a type of genetically enhanced version
of anthrax, a "superbug," to see if the anthrax vaccine currently in use by the Pentagon was effective against it.
A second Pentagon program, called Bacchus, involved building a germ factory in the Nevada desert from scratch, but reportedly
did not use real germs, but simulants that mimic their dispersal.
"I was only aware of one of those three programs," Harris says. "I was never told by the Defense Department
about the other two. I was also not aware that since the early 1990s, the U.S. Army has apparently been producing small quantities
of dry, very potent Ames strain anthrax." hamper the bureau's investigation. But whatever is stalling the investigation
-- the forensic complexity of the case, bureaucratic resistance to FBI scrutiny, or a darker scenario of the sort Rosenberg
describes -- Harris and others say it's now clear the U.S. biodefense program lacks proper oversight. And some experts even
think it could take a congressional investigation to get to the bottom of what has stalled the anthrax investigation -- especially
to answer questions about why the FBI didn't beat a quicker path to U.S. bioweapons labs.
"If it turns out that the anthrax that killed 5 people and injured a dozen and resulted in tens of thousands of people
having to take antibiotics, if that anthrax came from the U.S. biodefense program, that just underscores the importance of
the Congress looking into this program and getting a really comprehensive picture about what has been taking place.
"There has been no real serious oversight of the U.S. biological defense program for a very long time," Harris
added. "And I think this is a good moment, given the impact of the anthrax attacks, for Congress to take responsibility."
"This story has been corrected since it was first published."
(Why, what was wrong with it?)
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